| German Marshall Fund of the United States, November 17, 2008 Economy, crime are biggest issues; Culture, diversity seen as assets; Language skills and job offer important for admittance; Majorities favor permanent settlement over temporary migration schemes
WASHINGTON, DC (November 17, 2008) - A new survey released today shows that that 50% of Americans and 47% of Europeans think immigration is more of a problem than an opportunity, but a closer look shows nuanced views of immigration and integration on both sides of the Atlantic and marked differences within Europe.
Seven years after Sept. 11, majorities on both sides of the Atlantic do not believe that immigration increases the likelihood of terrorism; only 35% of Europeans and 40% of Americans say that more immigration leads to increased risk of terrorism. On the other hand, 52% of Europeans say that immigration will increase crime in their society, and they were joined by 47% of Americans.
The inaugural Transatlantic Trends: Immigration (http://www.transatlantictrends.org/) public opinion survey addresses immigration and integration issues including national identity, citizenship, migration management policies, national security, and the economic opportunities and challenges brought on by migrants.
“As the top destinations for migrants, the United States and Europe face the same challenges of immigration and integration, and can learn from each other,” said Craig Kennedy, president of the German Marshall Fund of the United States. “And in this time of concern about the economy and national security, the topic of immigration is especially salient. This survey will call attention to the development of fair, coherent policies that will affect migrants at both the domestic and international levels.”
Transatlantic Trends: Immigration is a project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States, with support from the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation (U.S.), the Compagnia di San Paolo (Italy), and the Barrow Cadbury Trust (U.K.). It measures broad public opinion in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Poland.
Other key findings include:
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NACLA News, Nov 18 2008
Roberto Lovato
Lost in debates around immigration, as the United States enters its greatest economic crisis since the Great Depression, is any sense of the historical connection between immigration policy and increased government control—of citizens. Following a pattern established at the foundation of the republic, immigrants today are again being used to justify government responses the economic and political crises. Consider, for example, the establishment in November 2002 of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), the largest, most important restructuring of the federal government since the end of World War II.1 The following March, the Immigration and Naturalization Service was dismantled and replaced with the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency under the newly established DHS. ICE’s rapid expansion—16,500-plus employees and near $5 billion budget—quickly transformed it into DHS’s largest investigative component, accounting for more than one fifth of the multibillion-dollar DHS budget. ICE is also the second-largest investigative agency in the federal government, after the FBI, responsible for enforcing more than 400 statutes, and is arguably the most militarized federal entity after the Pentagon.2 Not long after its inception, ICE began to wage what many advocates have called a “war on immigrants.”
Beginning in fall 2006, ICE launched a campaign of workplace and home raids aimed at “getting tough on immigrants.” Thousands of heavily armed ICE agents were deployed in these high-profile raids designed, we were told, to find and deport undocumented immigrants. Since 2006, hundreds of thousands of immigrants have been detained in jails that constitute the fastest-growing part of the prison system in the country. The speed with which the militarization of migration policy took place left many questions. Why, for example, did the Bush administration move the citizenship-processing and immigration-enforcement functions of government from the more domestic, policing-oriented Department of Justice to the more militarized, anti-terrorist bureaucracy of the Department of Homeland Security? Most explanations view this transfer, and the relentless pursuit of undocumented immigrants that it enabled, as a response to the continuing pressures of angry, mostly white, citizens. Widespread fear and xenophobia following the September 11 attacks, together with the “anti-immigrant climate” fostered thereafter by civic groups like the Minutemen, Republican politicos, and media personalities like CNN’s Lou Dobbs, we are told, has led directly to the massive new government bureaucracy for policing immigrants. The Washington Post, for example, told us in 2006 that the rise of the Minutemen and their armed citizen patrols along the U.S.-Mexico border was “credited with helping to ignite the debate that has dominated Washington in recent months.”3
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