Race In Art Forms

February 17th, 2009 by alee

In most cases, when a new art form is invented it usually is met with criticism. For instance, the Bebop musicians of the 1950’s met harsh responses from both critic’s and listeners to fellow musicians. There are plenty of instances that show how a culture can immerse it self totally, again I refer to the Bebop musician because they not only played differently but also dressed differently and spoke with a new lingo. But I believe art comes from pieces of one’s life your surroundings are your main influence what someone has experienced the their life. By the time Postbop or Free-Jazz came around in the 1960’s some of the bebop musicians did not support the newer styles. So to me there seems to be some sort of cycle that repeats itself.

 

As we discussed in class the use of term race can be very misused. It (race) acknowledges the differences in each person and I would say that recognizing someone’s individuality is a healthy thing. But, on the other hand race can but be used to shun someone or put him or her down. So if a particular person chooses to expresses his or herself in a different way then the norm, it is up to us respect and except that person as an individual and open ourselves to their art form. Race can also be directly related to class as in someone who is lighter in skin complexion is considered to be better then someone who is of darker complexion. As with certain situations of the East Indian “castes” systems allowing “higher and lower classes” to only able to play specific instruments. I believe that this way of thinking is not very beneficial to the progression of a specific culture let alone humanity. Even the people who are doing the discrimination are hurting themselves by not associating with someone who is beneath them. But, some of the most incredible art forms are born in the streets. In most instances people of poorer regions of the world did and still do not have any limitations holding them back in their creation of self-expression. But then again on the other hand that brings up the question, if they (lower classes) were not in those situations some specific art forms might not have ever been created. For instance in modern western culture in the past seventy years “slang” has worked itself from being predominantly used by African Americans, to Pop culture and into all racial demographics. I for one hope that all cultures continue to exchange and develop (in a positive way) there art forms and ideas. 

pre bop and be bop 

 

 

 

Constructions of Racial Identity in the string band music of the North Carolina Piedmont.

February 17th, 2009 by cbrownromtvedt

When people think of old-time string band music from the southern part of the United States, the stereotypical image is a group of white people who dress “hillbilly,” sitting on a porch somewhere with a banjo or a fiddle.

string-band.png
The South End String Band – www.stanwoodcamanomusic.com/oldstuff.htm

As we have read and discussed, most musical genres have been racialized.  We associate them with people who identify as part of a certain race and come to think of them as authentic only when they are played be those people.  As Pineda discussed in his lecture, biologically, the concept of race does not make sense.  Still, it has become central in determining people’s identity in our society.

Southern string band music, especially that of the North Carolina Piedmont, has a very white racial identity.  Most of the performers and fans of this genre are “white.”  Growing up, my parents had many friends who played this style of music and we often went to events or dances where it was being performed.  I always thought of it as a completely white genre.  However, the musical style has a very deep African-American history.

As Radano and Bohlman state in their article on music and race, art forms can be categorized as “marked,” of a minority group, or “unmarked,” of the majority or dominant cultural group.  String band music started off as a “marked” art form and then became taken over by the dominant “white” culture.  The banjo, a key instrument in the genre, is African.  Bob Carlin, in his book, String Bands in the North Carolina Piedmont, says that string band music was made out of a fusion of “the melodies of Europe and the rhythms of Africa” (Carlin 9).  In the United States, these became American popular songs, and turned into minstrelsy.  In the early part of the Twentieth Century, both white and black musicians all through the south played string band music.  The social structure in the Piedmont was not as racially stratified as in other places in the south and allowed for more mixing between white and black musicians (Carlin 9).  In the 1930’s, though it was rare, there were some integrated bands of black and white musicians playing together (Carlin 36).  However, minstrel banjoists were often white performers in blackface (Carlin 11).  Many times, the clubs that played this music were segregated white only establishments and black audiences couldn’t come to see the music that they had created.  Also around this time, banjo players started to use finger picked guitar styles from mainstream popular music.  String band music was moving farther away from its African roots and becoming more assimilated in white American society.

Though string band music was a very African style, people often don’t acknowledge the African influences or think of it as an African-American genre.  The genre that became known as the “black” music was the blues.  A main reason for this is promotion and marketing, especially in the north.  Record companies focused on blues as the “black music” of the US.  African-Americans playing in string bands were generally ignored and by WWII, guitar, banjo and fiddle music was very much seen as “white” country music (Carlin 31).

Even through the history of string band music shows the take-over of a white identity for string band music, there is still the question of why there has not been a revival of this music in the African-American community.  Tony Thomas explains that revivals have never been a part of African-American culture (Thomas 1).  In the later part of the Twentieth century, there has been a mass folk revival in white American culture.  They link to rural music of a past as a way to look back at the “good old days,” even in white revivals of old black forms (Thomas 1).  “African American mass culture, at least in the 20th century, seems to share none of this desire to look backward and identify with “the good old days.”  Perhaps that is because for us, the old days were not very good.” (Thomas 1).

Today, string band music is still a part of a generally “white” identity cohort.  However, there has been some movement to take it back and re-embrace the form as traditionally African-American.  The Carolina Chocolate Drops are one of these groups that identify very strongly as an African-American string band.  The Drops, named after Howard Armstrong’s Tennessee Chocolate Drops,  “strive to carry on the long standing traditional music of the black and white communities.” (AboutTheDrops 1).  Their group, along with other organizations, such as the Association of Black Traditional String Players (BlackBanjo.com), have recently emerged, trying to promote African-American pride in these forms that have a strong black history, but are almost always identified as “white” today.

Bibliography

“About The Drops.”  Carolina Chocolate Drops: African-American String Band.  2007.  <http://www.carolinachocolatedrops.com/>

Carlin, Bob.  String Bands in the North Carolina Piedmont.  Jefferson, North Carolina, and London: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers.  2004.

Radano, Ronald and Phillip V. Bohlman.  “Music and Race, Their Past, Their Present.”

Thomas, Tony.  “Why Black Folks Don’t Fiddle.” FIDDLE-L.  2007 <http://www.bluegrasswest.com/ideas/why_black.htm>

Cumbia and Youth Orchestras in Colombia and Argentina

February 17th, 2009 by dkoplinkaloehr

I have been spending much of this week researching various music types in Colombia and Argentina, and I recently stumbled upon Cumbia, which I have heard all over Latin America but was unaware originated in Colombia. Cumbia is a traditional dance music of Colombia that originated with slave rhythms from the African diaspora through the port cities of Colombia. It was originally heard with only African drums and claves, however the next evolutionary step of Cumbia began to include traditional indigenous instruments such as Millo and Cuna flutes, such as the gaita. Lastly, Spanish influenced guitar, a traditional drum, and accordian (as well as Spanish lyrics) were added to the mix, creating a truly Colombian genre involving Indian, Spanish, and African influences. Colombian Traditional Cumbia article, describing instruments, from “Percussive Notes” February 2008

This taps into all kinds of ideas about “authenticity,” that were raised in the Harrison article earlier last week, as well as ideas of the possibility of various identities/”races” mixing through music–the mestizaje that Harrison treats as well. What is more fascinating to me, however, is how Cumbia has spread throughout Latin America, specifically in the 1940s as it was dispersed by using “Big Band” style instrumentation from the United States (further mixing of genres) and often used a vocalist; this shifting formation of Cumbia caused it to travel all over Latin America, where it has since evolved with regional characteristics in each country.

What is particularly fascinating is the new manifestation of cumbia in Argentina, where one branch of cumbia has been adopted by people performing in “slum” neighborhoods outside of Buenos Aires, and have created “cumbia villera,” a version of cumbia that is known for its vulgar and coarse themes, often discussing sexually explicit topics, drug and alcohol abuse, and violence. The following videos were very popular in Argentina when cumbia villera started increasing in popularity:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wYOGr9uC9k&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e3qqy3MaYhk&feature=related

However, there is definitively a following for cumbia villera, and many people who identify as white listen to this type of cumbia, which I think lends itself nicely to some of the themes that we have been discussing this past week, especially in Monson’s article on Hipness. What does it mean when a counter-culture genre becomes more mainstream to the culture from which it is trying to become distinct? I think this situation differs greatly from Monson’s examples, however, as it is not clear that the object of cumbia villera is to create a positive, intellectual identity for a cultural sub-group, whereas the be-boppers in the 1950s had that intention as a very clear goal through their music (and wanted to cram more sound onto one side of a record.)

I have been further analyzing the situation when I consider all of the other types of music available in Colombia and Argentina. For example, a very famous youth orchestra was recently (7 years ago) started in Medellín, Colombia, that uses free classical music and lessons as a way to reach out to marginalized youth who might otherwise turn to gangs and violence within their lives. (see http://medellin-colombia.blogspot.com/2009/02/youth-symphony-orchestra-in-medellin.html). However, I found this situation somewhat problematic–what are the implications of marginalized youth turning to classical music (a “whitening” Westernized music) as opposed to other forms of musical expression to empower themselves in their own context? (see also http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9906E3DF123BF935A25757C0A9629C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all, a great 2004 article on Colombian hip-hop as a means of political expression). I realize that there are very likely many other organizations that are working with various native Colombian genres of music as a means of expression and empowerment, and I am fundamentally impressed and intrigued by the Youth Orchestra in Medellín. I actually don’t find the program itself problematic at all; I think it has improved the quality of life drastically for many young people in Medellín. However, I think it is important to examine the notion of “blanquamiento” and the idea that certain types of music inherently have more social capital due to the power structures that exist in our world today. As I continue to research the musics found in and outside of concert halls in Latin America, I continue to become more intrigued by the interplay of race, identity, and power found within music in different national contexts.

Bhangra and ‘White Hipness’

February 16th, 2009 by bjordan

Many American colleges and universities now have Bhangra dance troupes, which makes sense, since the college-aged Indian diaspora in America is huge (according to a Columbia university prof., over 30,000 Indian students entered U.S. universities in 1998). Bhangra, originally a Sikh dance tradition from the Punjabi region of North India, has traveled all over the globe with the westward migration of Indians. In the UK in the 1980s, Bhangra dance and dance beats were an important way for the large population of young Indian immigrants to show their identity in a foreign culture. In America also, Bhangra is one way for young people with Indian parents or background (and not just those from Punjab) to express part of their identity. Because these dance extra-curricular programs are not exclusive, many non-Indian students have the chance to dance Bhangra.
I was thinking about this trend in terms of the “The Problem with White Hipness” article that we read by Ingrid Monson. She describes the ‘hip’ physical characteristics that white musicians appropriated from black musicians in the early stages of bebop and jazz without necessarily identifying with the countercultural intent of the original black movement. In that case, Monson describes black musicians as using fashion and style as part of their racial identity. Though it seems an issue not as emotionally or historically charged as the ‘black/white’ divide, I wonder how British and American Indians view their ‘white’ (or at least non-Indian) peers who want to dress in the Punjabi style, and learn Indian dances to perform. There are inevitably questions of identity associated with immigration, and perhaps music and dance is a way to make a statement about one’s identity, or at least to find a community of common interest.
Thinking further about Prof. Pineda’s lecture on the sociological (and not anthropological) construct of race makes me wonder why there is still any racial stigma associated with immigrants in America. Even if we gave any creed to the multitude of ‘biologically invalid’ categories of race created through history, many of these place north Indians and ‘white’ European-descents in the same racial category. North Indian languages are Indo-European just as the romance languages. “Caucasian”, though not widely used anymore, also includes people from North India. In this classification, Persians and Europeans are part of the same ‘race.’ The concept of ‘racism’, deconstructed, just doesn’t make any sense, but obviously still exists in a very dangerous way, as Raquel mentioned in her post.
In the case of ‘white’ kids Bhangra dancing, the strongest reaction I’ve ever witnessed was some ‘brown’ kids making fun of their peers/friends. Like Monson’s argument about white hipness in the jazz community seems outdated, perhaps other expressions of identity can be harmlessly shared as well.

Asian America (iaLink) news brief on Bhangra

Pyar Ho Gaya: a club dance beat version of Punjabi beat

Pineda’s argument against the existence of race

February 15th, 2009 by Raquel

        During this week, we have encountered many different definitions of the term ‘race.’  Some of the articles, such as Morning and Harrison, attempt to express a few examples of how race is used as a social and biological divider in American society.  Baron Pineda explained how, in anthropological and biological terms, race does not exist.  Although these two concepts are not mutually exclusive, they seem to conteract one another: how can race used as a term to group people in actuality be unusable, incorrect, and with little historical significance?  I found Pineda’s speech to be unsettling.  I see the points he made and recognize their biological/anthropological integrity, but the entirety of American society (not to mention individual identity) is built upon the division between races and claiming that race does not exist is not something that can be claimed as fact in simply ‘scientific, research-based’ terms.
In Ann Morning’s essay “Keyword: race”, she looks at the difference between race and ethnicity, and brings up questions about why we need these two terms (as opposed to just one) and race as a social construct.  She goes along some of the same lines as Pineda, arguing that physical characteristics don’t necessarily coincide with what we define as race, but she still seems to be arguing that race still very much exists as a socially constructed norm.  Faye Harrison takes it further by showing material differences between ‘races’: “Racism is not only an ideology, discourse, or set of attitudes; it is a system of material relations with ideas, meanings, and sentiments embedded in those relations.”  In other words, the definition of race becomes the effects of both institutional and interpersonal racism, and the stark differences (economic, etc.) between people with different color skin.
A few songs come to mind when thinking about Pineda’s talk.  I saw Mos Def live in a very small venue and he sang one of my favorite of his songs, ‘Umi Says’.  During the performance, he cried while singing ‘I want black people to be free, all my people to be free.  That’s all the matters to me.’  In this song, Mos Def is making it clear that there is oppression and racism within the US that keep specifically black people from freedom.  Tupac in his song ‘Changes’ also makes references to the lives of black kids in the streets (“I’m tired of being poor, and even worse I’m black”), and how the perpetuating hatred on the streets and wide gaps between rich and poor keep poor black people on drugs and killing one another.   While Pineda acknowledged that racism is still present, I still believe that it is a dangerous line to walk to argue that race does not exist.  When race is still dividing the country, keeping poor people poor, keeping immigrants from entering the country legally and safely, and maintaining the white-upper/middle class at the top of the heirarchy, its hard to argue that in actuality it does not exist.  These are the kinds of arguments against affirmative action, and against people having pride in their racial history and background.  This argument could be used to encourage African Americans to let go of the country’s history of slavery.  Race and ethnicity are crucial for many indvidual’s identity politics, and arguing that this does not exist is dividing empowered ‘minority’ groups from connecting to their past and finding collective strength in numbers.  I feel that while physical characteristics such as height can’t necessarily define where an individual is from, racial distinctions have become an important method of empowerment in this country and one must be very careful before brushing it off via science.

Mos Def- Umi Says

Tupac – Changes


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