Final Project

Tracklist:1.Blowin in the Wind – Bob Dillon

2.Get up, Stand up – Bob Marley

3.Pasi Inhaka (This World) – Thomas Mapfumo and the Blacks Unlimited

4.Universal Soldier – Buffy Sainte-Marie

5.Weeping – Vusi Mahlassela

6.”Making Noise” – Damien Rice

7.БРАТСКИЕ МОГИЛЫ (Common Graves) – Vladimir Vysotski

8.Bumi Hari Ini (The Earth today) – Iwa-K

9.El Trigo – Rolando Alarcón

Protest Music

Protest music is found around the world, and in a limitless number of forms. While there are a number of protest songs which are quite popular in the US or Europe today, many Americans have little exposure to protest songs from the rest of the world – some of which may be entirely banned under law. Because of the broad nature of the category of “protest songs” the songs do not necessarily share that many characteristics. The musical style of the region plays into the instrumentation and the style of the music, for instance, much more than the idea of being a protest song. However, there are three very important similarities that these songs tend to share: the song is part of a movement which is, at some level, aimed to protesting against something (this could be a specific government, or the idea of war, or anything else), lyrics that are at least somewhat metaphoric in nature, and a sing along quality.

Protest Movements

Protest songs never stand on their own. While music is a very powerful tool, it is never the be all end all of a protest. Instead, protest songs exist within protest movements. Interestingly, a song need not be written for a specific movement to be used by it. “Get up, Stand up” was originally written for a disputed cause – possibly as a Rastafarian protest against Christian influence in Jamaica. However, it is today used as a theme song for Amnesty International, a human rights organization. Some of the most important civil rights anthems in the US were similarly appropriated for their cause, rather than being written for that express reason. The disconnect between a song and its movement is often caused by its heavy use of metaphors.

Lyrical Content

The use of metaphors in protest music appears to be a universal connection between otherwise mostly disconnected songs. Metaphors are powerful because they can allow people to identify with the ideas that the music is trying to express. Protest music is used in two ways – both as an anthem for existing protesters, or a rallying call, but additionally as a way to spread the ideas behind the protest. In many cases, the listener might not be immediately familiar with the specifics of the unjust situation being protested, or the different events leading up to creation of the movement in which the song exists. Even if the lyrics are not strictly metaphorical in nature, they likely are very non-specific. They may refer to specific events that happened; however, they are not overly factual in nature. The aim of the lyrics is not to spread news and information, but rather to bring certain issues to the forefront of attention; this can be done with out figures and other technically natured information. Because the specifics in many cases are left out, these songs tend to be applicable to whatever situation they are needed for.

Participatory Nature

With few exceptions, protest songs are written for their specific scenario. Thus, most are not strictly participatory in nature; they have a more concrete and specifically limited structure. However, the songs do share a number of participatory features: they have simple, but catchy melodies, and invite singing along. Many tend to have an anthem quality to them – they don’t promote individually unique participation, but they do invite everyone to join in. There are a number of ways this can be achieved; naturally, not all songs will have all methods. Generally, the songs are simple and use standard melody and harmony for the musical style they have developed from. While they are not necessarily made up of endlessly repeated sections, many of the musical ideas are repeated to make it simpler for others to catch on. Additionally, there is generally some sort of refrain, so even those who do not know the verses can sing along.

Music and Politics

Protest music plays a central role in the combination of music and politics. While there are many cases of music fulfilling other political roles. For instance, Charlie and His Orchestra promoted the Nazi ideology; in modern America there are a number of “patriotic” songs; and lastly, president Obama’s campaign used a number of songs to further his political goals. Protest songs are powerful for a number of reasons: they can be unapparent conditioning to the ideas of a protest movement; they can act as a symbol or banner for the movement; and they can help the movement identify with other successful protest movements. In any case, all three of these factors may be in play.

“Blowin’ in the wind” by Bob Dillon

This song is considered a classic protest song in the US, although it is not protesting anything in specific. It has been seen as a protest of the Vietnam war, or of the assassination of President Kennedy, or simply as protesting the idea of war or conflict altogether. This song exemplifies many of the qualities of a protest song – it has a simple harmonic component, made up of two or three repeated chords, which are all diatonic (which is common in the folk style out of which this song has developed. It features a repeating Verse / Chorus pattern, with the chorus simply being a refrain – and at that, the refrain is essentially one line repeated over and over again: “The answer is just blowin in the wind.” The song leaves much room for improvisation: Dylan never actually says what answer is “blowin in the wind,” but simply that its so. The song speaks out against violence (“how many times must the cannon balls fly/Before they’re forever banned?” and “how many deaths will it take till he knows/That too many people have died?”) but does not specify what violence inspired it. This lends the song to being reused by different movements, beyond the Anti-War folk movement that spawned it originally.

“Get up, Stand up” by Bob Marley and the Wailers

This song is also considered one of the classic protests songs of the 20th century. However, despite its popularity in the united states, it was written in Jamaica. This song also exemplifies many of the common qualities of protest songs. Harmonically, it is a simple song, in terms of its style, reggae; melodically, it has a number of repeated, simple melodic ideas that are used throughout the song. After hearing the chorus a few times, one can very likely sing along. The structure of the song also features a chorus as a refrain. This song is a natural target of protest movements because of its refrain: “Get up, stand up/Get up for your rights.” Marley calls for everyone to stick up for their “rights” without actually saying what rights he is speaking of. The lyrics may allude to certain specific rights; but even with that, listeners and fans cannot always agree on what rights Marley was speaking of to begin with.

“El Trigo” (The Wheat) by Rolando Alarcón

This song is more specifically oriented than the previous two, but still exemplifies many of the qualities of protest songs. However, as this song was part of the “Nueva Canción” movement in Chile, and thus has not received the popular attention in America, like many American protest songs. Despite that, the song still maintains the common qualities. It has a simple structure and harmony, which is diatonic. The structure is a simple repeating verse, again, with a repeated refrain at the end of each. This song is much more metaphoric than some of the other songs. While the Nueva Canción movement was concerned with indigenous rights, and thus, the literal interpretation of this song does bear merit, the story could be considered as metaphoric in nature. Over the course of the song, Alarcón has to worry about weather the “boss will come in his car to steal [his] crop” or if “fierce men will come/and put [him] in chains… [and] burn the whole crop.” If not taken at face value, this song could be applied to oppression of almost any nature. Despite the powerful lyrics, the song remains simple in form and style, so that people can easily sing along, even if they do not quite know the words.

igil_solo_singing_in_xoomei__kargyraa_styles_-_ala.mp3voices_of_the_huun.mp3orphans_lament.mp3orphans_lament.mp3tuva_throat_singing_music_-__sygyt_.mp3Tuvan Throat Singing

Tuvan Throat Singing

          If one were to actually sit back, close their eyes and attune their ears to the sounds surrounding them, one would soon realize how much the surrounding world has to offer. It is a way of life for shamanist Tuvans from Tuva, Russia. The people of Tuva have an animist view of life and spend their lives praising the spirits that inhabit the world. Tuva was originally part of Mongolia until it was incorporated into the USSR in 1944. The diversity in Tuvan styles of music is bound to its natural environment that consists of beautiful mountain ranges, forests, and rivers; with reindeer, yaks, sheep, horses, and many other animals that provide their livelihood for Tuva. Tuvans hold an incredible relationship with the supernatural world and maintain that relationship through communication to the surrounding spirits. Tuva is almost entirely rural and the traditional occupation of herding still plays a central role in its economy.

          In Tuvan music, a lot of the time you will hear imitations or the mimicry of various animal sounds that are incredibly accurate in its presentation. “Our music all began from imitating the sounds of animals. For Tuvans, the sounds of nature have been our school, our university,” says Mongush Kenin-Lopsan, a well known ethnographer and Tuvan writer. Animal spirits play a certain role in the work of shamans who serve as spirit-helpers when treating illnesses and addressing other human issues. There are local spirits and master spirits. Examples of local spirits are spirits that would be considered present in the individual or animal, while master spirits are the spirits that inhabit rivers, mountains, forests, springs and other features of landscape. “The elder Chimba Lopsan said that if a shaman was cursing his enemy he imitated the raven; summoning rain, he imitated the crow; frightening people, he imitated the wolf or the eagle owl; uncovering a lie, he imitated the magpie; showing off his power, he imitated the bull; and expressing rapture, the bear,” Kenin-Lopsan explains.

          In Tuva, one in five people is a shaman. Kenin-Lopsan says, “Every person’s way of appealing to spirits is original, and that’s the specific quality of Tuvan throat shamanism.” Shamanism is not the only religion in Tuva, more recently than not Buddhism and Christianity made way into the Tuvan culture. Shamanism is still the dominant form of religion in Tuva. Buddhism was very powerful, and the first Buddhist temple was built in 1772. This is how Buddhism began Tuva. Up until 1932, there were thirty-four Buddhist temples yet all of them were destroyed and burned. “After 1914, Russian churches appeared. But in history of the Tuvans, both Buddhism and Christianity are young religions. Buddhism was quickly forgotten because its language is foreign,” says Kenin-Lopsan.

          “Books were written in Tibetan. Books were written in Chinese. Books were written in Mongolian. Not everyone had a command of these languages. There were never more than 6,000 monks here. But, everyone spoke Tuvan.”

         There was political repression in Tuva, the communist terror. “They oppressed well known shamans. Some were killed outright. Some died behind barbed wire. And most tragic for Tuvan society, the children of shamans didn’t have a chance to learn from them. But despite the repression, Tuvans preserved their ancient religion because shamans conduct their rituals in their native language. Tuvan was the language of folksongs, stories, the great shamanic hymns. For shamans, words are like drugs. They can kill, or they can save. That’s the great power of the shamanic hymns,” says Kenin-Lopsan reflecting on the subject.

          The possible origins of Tuvan throat-singing come from the mimesis of the wind, birds and mountains. It is in this mimicry that one can see the relationship between the whistling overtones and the sounds of the Tuvan environment that a Tuvan throat-singer tries to emulate. This ‘whistling’ used to describe the overtones that a Tuvan throat-singer sings is known as sygyt, a term used to describe the high whistle-like style of throat-singing. “Shamans have sygyt,” Kenin-Lopsan says, “shamans always whistle to call their helpers, their spirits. Their whistling rings across the landscape and spirits hear it and come running to the shaman.” This music is perhaps the most striking to western ears. Khoomei, a Mongolian word meaning throat, is generally translated into throat-singing or overtone-singing. In this style of singing the vocalist can sing two to three notes simultaneously using precise movements of the lips, jaw, tongue, and larynx and can intensify vocally produced harmonics. There are some indigenous instruments of Tuva. The first one being the jew’s harp is said to be one of the oldest instruments in the world. Originally made of wood, most jew’s harps are now made of metal. It is used to create the wave in sound much like the sound that wind makes. It is used to play the same overtone melodies used in Khoomei. Another prominent instrument is the igil. The igil has a lute shaped sound box and has only two strings. It is a bowed instrument. Almost all of the stringed instruments usually have a horse figurine carved out of the wooden head stock where the strings are tightened. The drums that are used are usually like frame drums. Shamans name their drums after the animals whose skins are stretched across their frames. “Sounding the drum animates or enlivens it, giving voice to the spirit of the animal whose skin is struck by the beater,” says Russian ethnographer, Leonid Pavlovich Potapov. Theodore Levin, one of the leading ethnomusicologists whose work has focused on most of central Asia said, “These days, the link between bowed fiddles and animal spirits has been folklorized in some performance traditions, for example, in Mongolia, where morin huur players add horse ‘sound effects’ to music that represents horses. But in Central Asia, even with its still-potent legacy of Soviet-imposed folklorization, two-stringed fiddles have maintained their bona fide connection to the spirit world.

          Tuvan throat singing has certainly gained notoriety in the west because of great expeditious ethnomusicologists and ethnographers. In tradition Khoomei is performed in a solo effort but has surely evolved into large ensembles and has been fused with popular music of the west. Tuvans are not the only throat-singers of the world; close to Tuva just across the border into western Mongolia there is a style of throat-singing that is alive and evolving. There are also styles of throat-singing in Alaska, but nowhere else has this tradition sprung up with such diversity and ingenuity in the beautiful Asian uplands of Tuva.

Bibliography

- All qoutes that are used in the liner notes are from ” Where Rivers and Mountains Sing – Sound, Music, and Nomadism in Tuva and Beyond” by Theodore Levin and Valentina Suzukei.

Book -

1. Levin, Theodore. 2006. Where River and Mountains Sing: Sound, Music, and Nomadism in Tuva and Beyond. Indiana University Press.

Websites -

1. Tuvan Throat Singing 101: http://worldmusic.about.com/od/asianmiddleeastern/p/TuvanThroat.htm

2.Alash Ensemble: http://www.alashensemble.com/

3. Music of Tuva: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Music_of_Tuva 

Recordings -

1. Various Artists. 1999. Tuva, Among the Spirits; Sound, Music and Nature in Sakha and Tuva. Smithsonian Folkways B00000G4OG.

2. Various Artists. 1990. Tuva: Voices from the Center of Asia. Smithsonian Folkways B000001DGS.Yampolsky, Philip. 1996. Gongs and Vocal Music from Sumatra: Talempong, Didong, Kulintang, Salawat Dulang. Music of Indonesia, Vol. 12. Smithsonian Folkways SF CD 40428.

The album HOPE is a compilation of songs that are all pro-Obama. It is a pro-Obama culture that exists not only in America, but around the world. To show this, there are a few different types of styles on this album; there are associations with these styles that show the diversity in the types of people that support Obama.

One example of this is “Yes We Can” by will.i.am. This song is about hope., though it is not specific about what to be hopeful for. The video implies to be hopeful for a better future and that Obama will give that hope to America. The video also implies that there already is hope in America. The style of this song is associated with both the Caucasian population and the African-American population. The reason for this song being associated with the Caucasian population is the actual style of the song: there is acoustic guitar and it is used in the same way that the Plain White Ts use it in their song “Hey There, Delilah”. The reason that this song is associated with the African-American population is because of the style of singing in some of the celebrities involved in the song. Some of the singers use a sort of fusion between soul and pop in the timbre of their voices.

In the song “You Rock, Barack!”, the singer states actual specific political messages. He wants Barack Obama to “End the war in Iraq, Bring our brothers and sisters back”. It is pretty safe to say that this is a view that is shared between all Obama supporters. It is even safe to say that this is a view that is shared not only between all democrats, but also most republicans as well. In this way, it is great that the singer relates to the other political party, because this could have potentially made someone re-evaluate their favored candidate. This song is also one that could be associated with the Caucasian population. The instrumentation and timbre of the voice says “Caucasian” all over it; it is an acoustic guitar, harmonica, and a white man singing. To me, the harmonica is associated with the Caucasian population because of its association with bluegrass and even country. These are obviously genres associated with the Caucasian population. Also, again, this song uses the guitar acoustically kind of like the Plain White Ts use it in “Hey There Delilah”.

“Obama Song” by Michael Franti and Spearhead is much different than either of the songs “You Rock, Barack!” and “Yes We Can”. Most of the styles involved in this song are African-American. For starters, there is some Civil Rights Movement footage in the video. There is also some rapping. In fact, a whole verse is rapping. Another African-American aspect of this piece is the way the woman sings. She sings in a soulful way, sort of like Etta James in “Sunday Kind of Love”, which is a staple in black progression. And to add on to that, there is even another aspect of African-Americanism in this song. The male singer (not rapper) is also singing in a way that could easily be associated with the African-American culture. He is singing in a sort of reggae style. The music even goes along with his reggae singing, though it seems like a kind of fusion between reggae and American (Caucasian) pop/rock. So this song is not completely African-American styled. These are interesting points, because even though this song is in a typical form of any American pop song (a few verses, refrain, and a bridge), each verse is different in terms of style.

The lyrics of this song are uplifting, even though there are no real political points in it. They are saying “yes we can” and “we all come together” over and over, along with “Barack Obama”. Even though it seems silly and pointless on paper, when I watch the video, I feel like I could do anything with Barack Obama as my president. The words with the images of the Civil Rights Movement footage must be the things that, together, help get this message across.

These are only a few examples of the diversity of styles (and people) in Obama songs and supporters. So even though these songs all have the same basic form, they all use different styles since they are not all from America.

The form of these songs is not the only thing they all have in common. All of these songs are strictly (or mostly) presentational. The form is pre-planned and there is an audience/artist separation. However, there are differences between some of these songs within the presentational parameters.

The audience’s attention to detail could vary from song to song. In a song like “Yes We Can” by will.i.am, the audience would want to pay more attention to the words because there are so many different celebrities that they recognize and respect. Also, Obama’s voice comes on, and since the song is about Obama and people that support him, it is only logical the typical listener would want to hear what he has to say. However, in a song like “Obama Song” by Michael Franti and Spearhead, the beat is so catchy and the words so much less meaningful that the words do not matter as much to an audience.

Even though all of the songs on this album have presentational characteristics, there are some participatory characteristics as well. The recordings of people talking about Obama were put into the song “Yes We Can” afterwards. There was no script that was written out for all of those people. Will.i.am just inserted the voices and statements that he wanted, and decided where they went after he made a recording. But he knew that he was going to use the recordings in the song. He wanted many people to participate in the song, and this is one of the only ways that so many people can participate in a song.

There are also some aspects of high fidelity music in some of these recordings. In some recordings, there are people cheering or clapping. Sometimes the audience is clapping for the song, and sometimes the audience is clapping for Obama (after a quote of a live performance). Also, in the video for the song “Change” by Manze Dayila and Nago Nation, people seem to just join in on the dancing while the song is being sung. This makes the recording seem live, though it obviously isn’t.

Studio Audio Art is another thing that is included in this album. Some of these songs would be impossible to perform. Will.i.am’s “Yes We Can” is a perfect example of this. This song was compiled almost primarily by splicing. He took a bunch of sound and music clips and put them all together to make a song that makes sense. So when the recordings of all of the celebrities’ voices were made, they had no idea where they would fit in the song. He didn’t even know until he was finished. The song was created to be listened to, not to be performed.

So as you can see, the pro-Obama population is very diverse. There is anything from an Irish-styled song to a rap. And it is also clear that not all of these songs are made or sung by Americans. And not all of these artists agree on the way in which Obama should be represented in a song, but they all agree no the message: Obama is the best candidate.

Citations:
Turino, Thomas. 2000. Four Fields of Music Making. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

http://stefanobloch.files.wordpress.com/2008/12/obama-hope-sheppard-feirey1.jpg. Last accessed May 14, 2009.

http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/media/images/44643000/jpg/_44643269_obama_ap466b.jpg. Last accessed May 14, 2009.

http://www.orlandosentinel.com/media/photo/2008-11/43200271.jpg. Last accessed May 14, 2009.

In many ways, Lead Belly (born Huddie Ledbetter in 1988) was a person whose life unfolded at the sites of social and historical junctures—he was born and raised on the borderland of Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas; he spent his young adulthood traveling throughout the American southwest, playing with and learning from musicians during a time when familiar genres such as jazz and blues were still taking shape; and his later career was spent in New York among seminal figures in the folk revival, including Pete Seeger. Unfortunately, it seems that those with whom he associated often failed to comprehend the complexities both of his life and his repertoire, preferring instead to see him in a fundamentally essentialist way.
John A. Lomax, for whom Lead Belly worked following his release from prison in 1934, was instrumental in establishing a career for him outside the penitentiary walls; while this time spent with Lomax was no doubt lucrative for Leadbelly—he had found himself unemployed in the middle of Depression-era America upon his release—aspects of their relationship, as presented in Lomax’s 1936 book Negro Folk Songs as Sung by Lead Belly, are troublesome. His visits to southern prison compounds, during which he found “folk songs…in greatest number, variety, and purity” among black convicts of the South, was motivated by a search for “the song of the Negro laborer, the words of which sometimes reflect the tragedies of imprisonment, cold, hunger, heat, the injustice of the white man.” (Ibid) Leadbelly, then, whose repertoire included much of this “authentic” music, proved a particularly attractive performer. It is likely that, when Lomax brought Lead Belly before northern crowds, he wasn’t simply giving them music; he was giving them what he saw a “pure” or “real” music.
That Lomax saw Lead Belly primarily as a way of presenting his vision of folk music is further suggested by the degree to which he controlled the performances. Although he had immediately bought Lead Belly two suits upon his release, he nonetheless requested that Lead Belly keep his prison garb “for exhibition purposes.” Did he expect Lead Belly to wear these clothes when he played for New York’s crowds of academics and curious intellectuals?
Furthermore, Lomax exerted great control over exactly what Lead Belly played during these events:
For his programs Lead Belly always wished to include “That Silver-Haired Daddy of Mine” or jazz tunes such as “I’m in Love with You, Baby.” But in these he was only a poor imitator, though he could never understand why we did not care for them. We held him to the singing of music that first attracted us to him in Louisiana, some of which he had “composed,” at least partly. The lines of many, picked hither and yon, are jumbled together with but little original material, while the melodies he tricked out with musical ornaments of his own. Moreover, these were the songs he had practiced most while in and out of the penitentiary, since they were the money-getter from his white hearers. Their simple, direct appeal his fellow convicts and his barrelhouse audiences also could enjoy. Intellectual people and the most lowly loved best his folk tunes and his manner of rendering them. (NFS 52-53)
While Lomax seemed to value Lead Belly most for his “songs of the Negro laborer” and a performer of “simple” music, a quick survey of his repertoire shows that his musical breadth was much greater. Not only did he play music from outside the tradition with which Lomax was concerned—including ballads, Tin Pan Alley tunes and topical songs—but he also composed many songs about his own experiences and feelings about the world in which he lived. While this CD does include several performances of work songs and the like captured during the Lomax’s initial contact with Lead Belly, it also presents songs of his own making and selections from his repertoire in other styles and genres. Hopefully, it gives the listener some idea, not just of Lead Belly the folk musician, but also of Lead Belly the artist.

Track List:

1. (Good Night) Irene (clip below)

2. Pick a Bale O’ Cotton (clip below)

3. Fannin Street  (clip below)

4. Poor Howard/Green Corn

5. Looky Looky Yonder/ Black Betty/ Yellow Woman’s Doorbells

6. Ain’t Goin’ Down to the Well No More

7. De Kalb Blues

8. Ella Speed

9. Franki and Albert

10. Governor O.K. Allen

11. The Borgeois Blues

12. New York City

13. Ain’t You Glad

14. We Shall Be Free

15. There’s a Man Going ‘Round Taking Names

16. Mr. Hitler

17. Cow Cow Yicky Yea/ Out on the Western Plains

18. Shorty George

Included in Lomax’s Negro Folk Songs under the section titled “A Miscellany: White Influences; Pardon Songs,” “Irene” (also recorded as “Goodnight Irene” and “Irene, Good Night”) was one of Lead Belly’s signature tunes. According to Lomax, Lead Belly initially learned the refrain from his uncle Terrell, to which he added verses later. An example of Lead Belly’s diversity as a performer, “Irene” is far from a blues or a field holler. Its stately waltz meter and its highly melodic bass line reflect the influence of piano players on his guitar style. The lyrics, which describe a man’s intense, near-suicidal depression following a rejected marriage proposal, echo the characteristic sentimentality of turn-of-the-century popular song.

This work song was among the selections recorded during the Lomax’s visit to Angola prison in the ‘30’s, and is an example of what Lomax professed to have been looking for during his trips. The harmonic simplicity of the song is suggestive of its original use as a way of keeping the pace of work and of easing the tedium of hours of hard and repetitive labor. The video included is fascinating. The outfit Lead Belly is wearing seems evocative of farmer’s dress. Ironically, at this point in his career Lead Belly was likely living in New York, and was more likely to don a three-piece suit for performances than working clothes. The clip is actually part of a longer video compiled by Pete Seeger, which includes two other performances by Lead Belly, both work songs popular among southern convicts.

This is an original by Ledbetter, detailing an argument with his mother over his desire to leave home and go to the nearby town of Shreveport, Louisiana. The titular “Fannin Street” was the official red-light district of the community, and was notorious for prostitution and violence. The song displays Lead Belly’s talents both as an instrumentalist and as a storyteller: the opening line, which runs “Follow me down/ follow me down/ follow me down to Mr. Tom Hughes’ town” invites the listener to follow him into the world of debauchery that inspired the piece. After this and every ensuing verse, he lets loose a kind of moan that, depending on the nature of the preceding words, could either be an ecstatic utterance (Follow me down…) or the wail of a heartbroken mother (I told my mama/ “Mama you don’t know/ Women in Shreveport gonna kill me, why don’t you let me go?) Ironically, the this last verse proved near-prophetic: in 1908 he returned home and was bedridden for six months, likely with a venereal disease.

Bibliography

Lomax, John A. 1936. Negro Folk Songs as Sung by Lead Belly. The Macmillan Company

Wolf, Charles and Lornell, Kip. 1992. The Life and Legend of Leadbelly. Da Capo Press

music-of-the-world-final-list-of-tracks.docmusic-of-the-world-final-discussion.docmusic-of-the-world-final-cover-art.doc