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These two examples of Andean folkloric songs seemed to be much more defined and structured than most of the other examples of Andean music we have listened to so far. It is very easy to hear the distinguished parts of the varying instruments and types of flutes. There also has been an addition of stringed instruments and there is no longer that strong and steady backbeat of the drum as heard in previous examples. In the first song, the Kachapari folkloric wayno, the different flutes play back and forth, giving a sort of call and response effect. The second song has a similar kind of call and response with the flutes.
These songs seem as though they are probably performed for different purposes than many of the other Andean examples we have heard so far.  They sound less casual and as though they are played by professionals or people who are masters of their instruments.

In the first song, the “arrangement of folk instruments”, I thought it was very interesting how there was one main melody played by several different instruments that all took turns. Then there were other instruments playing very rapidly in the background. Like much of the other Bulgarian music we have listened to so far, it was played in a very unique meter, which may be hard for those who are not familiar with it to follow. It was easy to tell that the music was being played at some kind of social event, because you could hear the sound of people shuffling and talking in the background.
The second song, “Krivo Plovdisko Horo”, had many things in common with the first sample. It used very similar instrumentation, as well as the similar style with a complex and dominant melody with background instrumentation. As discussed in class, Horo is usually used for various forms of social dances, and it is easy to imagine a large group of people dancing to this song.
What I wonder in listening to these songs is how the musicians relate to each other, especially in times such as if they ever signal each other into improvisation and solo sections. It seems to be a fairly large group of musicians playing together, and I wonder if their social dynamic and actions are as strong and prevalent as those of the people dancing.

The first Nhemamusasa song was very lively and festive sounding. It had one main male voice, which was backed by several other voices that jumped in with yelps and shouts in the background. There were also various instruments being played, with the strongest sound being that produced by an instrument that sounds like maracas or some kind of shaker. There was also a consistent rhythm and pattern being played by what sounded like some kind of wooden instrument or xylophone in the background. The performance of this song sounds like it’s probably a very social event that a lot of people get involved in, and is something groups of people may even dance along to.
It was interesting to listen to the various polyrhythms and how they were layered in the next two Nhemamusasa examples. I wondered in what kind of settings and contexts these songs are played in, and if they are rehearsed or more casual. Some of their structural elements reminded me of gamelan, but these songs had a much less eerie tuning than gamelan and were played on what sounded like wooden instruments. The rhythms played were also very different from gamelan.

Balinese gamelan beleganjur and the other types of Indonesian gong ensembles we have studied seem to have both many similarities and many differences. In looking at sound and musical elements, the Balinese gamelan beleganjur uses the same kinds of kettle gongs and other instrumentation that we have seen with other gong ensembles, but contributes several new instruments and ways of playing them.
Although musicians still did use the bronze kettle gongs, there was one example where the gongs were instead made with iron and played using wooden mallets. This gave a much less eerie, lighter sound than the bronze gongs and created a very different feeling (although the eerie sound of the bronze gongs did still exist in other examples). Several examples were also shown on the website where both cymbals and different kinds of instruments made out of bamboo were being used, which was not something I recalled having heard previously.
The ways in which the instruments were played and came together also had notable differences. The songs still used tempo and volume changes, and the pieces were still supposed to be unique as we’ve seen before, but many other aspects of the sound varied. In comparison to previous gong ensembles we had listened to, these examples seemed to have a much more solid and set rhythm. They were much easier to keep time and clap along with, often having a steady and consistent drum beat going in the background. The different instruments seemed to have much more consistent and steady interlocking beats than in many of the other gong ensembles and, as the website tells us, this interlocking pattern is important in Balinese culture and carries symbolic meaning. Listening to all of the different instruments being layered a step at a time on the website was helpful in understanding how their various rhythms and patterns come together to form their overall sound of combining polyrhythms.
Like other gamelan ensembles we have studied, the Balinese gamelan beleganjur ensembles are also used in ceremonies. Whereas other gamelan ensembles were described as often times being used in weddings and events like circumcisions, the Balinese gamelan beleganjur were described more frequently as being used in cremations and temple anniversaries. Like other examples of gamelan, they are also used to accompany theatre and dance performances. Aside from these more significant social contexts, Balinese gamelan beleganjur is also played in more casual situations such as in hotel lobbies.

Both Bubaran ‘Kembang Pacar’ and Ladran ‘Wilujeng’ have similar instrumental patterns with one louder, slow and steady beat and one softer, more quick and repetitive beat occurring simultaneously. The presence of vocals in Ladran ‘Wilujeng’ give it a much different feel, as there is less focus on the instrumentals and more on the vocals. Bubaran ‘Kembang Pacar’ uses solely instrumentals to make the song build and vary, whereas Ladran ‘Wilujeng’ uses the vocals a great deal for this. In order to build Bubaran ‘Kenbang Pacar’ adds in instruments as the song begins and also changes speed several times during the song. Although the instruments and rhythmic patterns used are very similar in both songs, they have a lot more force and texture in Bubaran ‘Kembang Pacar’.
I am curious as to whether both of these songs are used in the puppet shows and, if so, what their context in the show is. Are they meant to accompany different kinds of stories?

All three songs (“Sidi”, “Uran Halaban” and “Minangkabau) use a lot of similar percussion instruments, as well as polyrhythms. None use any vocals. The additional instrument that comes into “Sidi” a good bit into the song is very interesting and unique. The songs also have a similar building effect where more instruments come in and start playing after the first few instruments have begun. They all, however, have a very different pace and rhythm.
These songs seem to be made for the sake of making music, rather than for any form of religious or ceremonial practice. They may be used to bring members of a community together, as many musicians have to work together to combine their various parts and rhythms. The sounds of coughing in the background of “Sidi” and of a baby in “Uran Halaban” also imply that the songs are being played for a live audience. These songs are probably used as a social activity and form of entertainment.

All three of the songs in this Islamic grouping are sung by men and use long phrases followed by long pauses. The first song, “Adhan”, has especially long pauses and moves very slowly and steadily. The voices of the men in all three songs seem to require a lot of breath and move up and down in range very frequently. All three singers trill their voices constantly.

The three songs very clearly sound like songs one associates with prayer, with their long, simple and steady phrases. The men who sing these songs seem to be well practiced in what they are doing, and must have a good amount of experience. It is interesting that only the last song uses any additional instrumentation or sound aside from voice. Very little is used even in that song, with only a consistent droning sound in the background and a few moments of piano when the voice is not singing towards the end. In all three songs all of the attention is focused completely on the single voice, and that voice is very powerful and involved on its own.

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