11
December
2008
I think my first listening journal was one of my best because it was the first. I was nervous and wanting to get things right, so I really thought a lot about my response. It was an interesting topic that I wanted to make sure I understood, and giving us an opportunity to link it to our personal lives made it more engaging. It allowed me to think about the ways in which music affects my personality which, in term, affects my taste in music.
The second listening journal was another of my best because of my interest in the topic. As a psychology major I find such psychological and sociological issues fascinating. I was able to fully form an opinion on the topic and listen to alternatives that differed in meaning and sound, allowing my interpretations to differ in kind.
Finally, my listening journal response to Nhemamusasa (at bira) was another I enjoyed writing because I really loved the music. I think that is crucial in being open to all that a song has to offer. I was attracted to the culture of the mbutes, and their music was beautiful. In my writing it is clear that I enjoyed the piece. It was an example of including the context of a song in its analysis to get all you can out of it.
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25
November
2008
In the first song, the lute comes in clearly early on, with the panpipes coming in soon after to take over with the main melody. It switches off with another panpipe in the harmony, as they are split so that each only plays half of the scale. The two continue in a somewhat call-and-response style. The lute part is very repetitive and just provides background for the panpipes. There is no strong drum beat in this song. As the song goes on, it gets more and more lively. The song is very structured and seems more performance than participation-based. The instruments have their set part that is practiced and made to stand out within the song.
The second song has a panpipe that seems to carry higher notes played clearly over a guitar of some sort. There is an unusual sound that I mistook for some kind of problem with the recording at first. The background music played by the guitar is repetitive, allowing for the panpipes to be the focus. This song is not nearly as happy as the first, being slower and in a minor key. It is equally as structured and rehearsed, however. This music is very different from the indigenous music in which everyone is a potential participator and simple, repetitive melodies are played to allow others to join.
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9
November
2008
As is the signature of Bulgarian music, the Folk Orchestra songs are played in unique and complex meters. There is a main melody that is passed around from instrument to instrument. It is played very quickly. The people in the background made it clear that this was at a social, informal event where people could continue to talk while the musicians were performing.
The second song seems to fit clearly into our understanding of the purpose of Horo songs, as it seems perfect for a large group to dance to. It is also faced paced and uses similar instrumentation, with more emphasis on the aerophone. This piece seems more organized and formal, while still lending itself to dancing.
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26
October
2008
The first piece puts a smile on my face. It is upbeat and you can almost tell that the people singing are smiling. It uses instruments that sound very natural, as though the sounds could be made without human interference. The instruments are clearly made from things found in the area. It seems as though the context of this song was social and relatively informal, as though people listening should feel free to dance and perhaps clap. Aside from the assumed context, the strong rhythm also feeds the interpretation as a dance song. The instruments do seem possibly rehearsed, but still open in their very cyclical form. There is an instrument that sounds like a maraca giving a constant beat as well as another instrument that sounds somewhat like a gamelan. It seems as though there are not lyrics so much as sounds and perhaps random words or phrases that stand out to the singer and give the feeling of joy and freedom.
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12
October
2008
Balinese gamelan beleganjur and Javanese gamelan differ in
key contextual and musical ways. Possibly
the most obvious difference is that gamelan beleganjur is meant for processions
such as temple anniversaries and cremations.
Javanese gamelan, on the other hand, was based in the courts and also
used to accompany dance, theater, and shadow puppet theater, underscoring the
dramatic action. Because of the
processional style of Balinese gamelan beleganjur, the instruments must all be
portable. Javanese gamelan has large
hanging gongs that could not be used if they were not doing a sitting style
gamelan.
Javanese gamelans are made in sets of two that don’t
correspond in tuning to any other gamelan.
They are considered sacred and given a specific name. Balinese gamelan beleganjur processions are
said to protect from evil spirits.
Another major difference is that with gamelan beleganjur, there
are cymbals, and they play the rhythm.
This rhythm, used in interlocking beats called kotekan, has symbolic
religious meaning. In Javanese gamelan, the
drummer does the majority of the conducting.
Gamelan beleganjur gong players only play one gong at a time
because they have to be held, while in Javanese gamelan a singly player may
play multiple gongs.
Both styles rely heavily on interlocking and are very
cyclical.
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5
October
2008
In many ways, both the soft-style piece, Ladrang ‘Wilujeng,’ and the loud-style piece are very similar. Bubaran ‘Kembang Pacar’ begins with one gong slowly playing very deliberate and repetitive notes. Another gong joins in, as well as some sort of coprophone (probably a person clapping) and a xylophone of some sort. This brings more texture into the piece as each instrument plays a repetitive set of notes. The interlocking is a very important aspect of the song by the middle. The tempo speeds up and then once again slows down toward the end of the song.
Ladrang ‘Wilujeng’ most clearly differs in its inclusion of a voice part. This is a woman singing in a nasal voice, with a chorus of singers (seemingly female) joining her later on. The tempo does not change over the course of the song.
My understanding of the pieces increases as I remember that such music is often used as accompaniment to various dance-theater and shadow puppetry shows. These songs seem to naturally lend themselves to a plot, although I clearly cannot be sure what sort of situation would be explained acoustically through this specific song. Any ideas about what the context of these songs would be? Fight? Romance? Travel?
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21
September
2008
The first of the Talempong duduak pieces has two clear idiophonic sounds, which I can see on the syllabus are talempongs. One repeats a simply pattern at a reasonable pace while the other is generally higher, faster, and more complicated.
The second of the Talempong duduak pieces, the “gandang pambao” pattern uses a membranophone to create a repeating rhythm. There are no other instruments playing over it so it lacks texture. It is relaxing but not lacking in energy.
The “gandang paningkah” pattern in the third piece is similar to the second in its use of a membranophone to produce a simple, repetitive rhythm. The instruments seem to be making almost identical sounds tone-wise, but perhaps it is the same membranophone used in both pieces. Once again the piece lacks texture as there are no other instruments joining in and the drum rhythm remains pretty simple.
The fourth of the Urang Halaban pieces is an even simpler rhythm with another single membranophone producing the sound. The simplicity of the sound makes me focus more on a vision in my head of an individual actually playing this. I feel I can see how he/she is moving his/her hands while playing.
The ensemble piece is much more interesting than the last. This piece has much texture, and it is pretty transparent texture. It brings together the idiophones and the membranophone into one piece with a lot going on. The first few seconds are filled only with one idiophone but the other instruments join in within the first five seconds. The instruments all seemed to repeat the same few measures, but because of the polyrhythm it was still very appealing.
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14
September
2008
In listening to the call to prayer-turned-ringtone, I feel rather upset about what has happened to the call. It is being treated as music with complete disregard for the fact that the people creating these sounds do not call it music at all. It would be regarded as sacrilegious to call it music, and yet here it is with a constant drone and a random and unnecessary piano part at the end.
Calls to prayer as ringtones offered online have been described under keywords, genres, and styles such as dangerous, exotic, primitive, and aggressive. Clearly those involved in creating and marketing these Azan ringtones are not being sensitive to those individuals who listen to and pray because of the call to prayer. It is not meant to be a dance song or a catchy way to encourage conversion.
To keep the call in its original form to be sold and used as an alarm for the times of prayer does not seem in any way disrespectful. It could also serve the purpose of reminding all Muslims who hear it, practicing or not, that they have a duty to pray according to their religion. However, a ringtone not meant to replicate the prayer itself seems meant to be a musical form of entertainment and not an appropriate use of a collection of sounds deemed holy by a particular group.
The original version is beautiful and peaceful with a clear purpose driving it. It does not seem to need any such instrumental additions for its purpose, which is to remind and invite individuals to pray together in accordance with their religion. From a musical standpoint, nothing seems to be added to the sound with the additions in the ringtone. From a religious standpoint, something seems to be taken away.
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11
September
2008
Posted under beatboxing, icon, index, Marvin Gaye, music
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